Enligt ledande egyptiska revolutionärer som befinner sig i framkanten av den egyptiska revolutionen så har arbetarklassen spelat en helt avgörande roll för störtande av Mubarak. En som hävdar detta är Sameh Naguib, ledande medlem i egyptiska Revolutionary Socialist i en intervju i Socialist Worker (USA):
YOUNG PEOPLE from different social classes, all with their own grievances against the regime, did play a leading role in igniting this revolution. But the role of the working class in the revolution was central from day one.
For example, the city of Suez, a working-class city with a long history of anti-British and anti-Zionist struggles, was at the forefront of the revolution. Workers in Suez poured out of the factories of the city and into its streets, and they sacrificed the first martyrs on day one. Sheikh Hafez Salama, a leader of the anti-British colonialism struggles of the 1940s in Suez and later in the war with Israel was on the streets with the revolutionaries. He even came and joined us here in Tahrir Square.
Similarly, workers in Cairo, Alexandria and Mansoura were key players in all the events from the beginning. But workers couldn’t participate as a collective force in the revolutionary struggle at that point because the capitalists went on strike and shut down production. That would change in the days before the fall of Mubarak on February 11 and in its immediate aftermath.
Naguib menar också att vänstern spelat en avgörande roll bl.a. för demonstrationerna den 25 januari:
WE AND the rest of the Left, along with April 6th Youth Movement, played a key role in mobilizing for January 25. The Muslim Brotherhood didn’t support the call for protests that day because as usual, they don’t like to support actions which they don’t control. So the left played a leading role.
We and the other left forces met and developed a strategy for action on the 25th. For example, we decided to begin the demonstration in different locations around Cairo, and then march on Tahrir Square. We did this so as to preempt the security forces from concentrating their forces against any one central location to break our action before it started, as they have always done in the past. That was a useful tactic.
Plus, to be honest, the security forces were unprepared for the massive numbers of people who turned out. They were caught off guard.
Vidare menar Sameh Naguib att Muslimska brödraskapet som det pratats så mycket om i väst till en början spelade en helt underordnad roll för att eftrehand få större betydelse:
THE MUSLIM Brotherhood leadership did not endorse the call for the January 25th demonstration. They usually don’t support actions that they don’t initiate and control. But as it became clear after the first day that a revolution was underway, they decided to participate.
They played an important role in Tahrir and elsewhere, especially on the day, February 2, when the government sent its thugs on horses and with Molotov cocktails to attack the demonstrators.
It wasn’t necessarily their numbers that made a difference–they don’t have more than 15 or 20 percent political support on the street, and only one out of the 13 martyrs that day was a member of the Brotherhood. Rather, it was their level of organization that helped. They act in a highly disciplined manner, and that helped in defending the square.
They now intend to announce the formation of a new political party. Some want it formed on a civilian and non-religious basis. Others from the conservative old guard will oppose that. In other words, we expect to see divisions in their ranks.
Han menar också att man kan förvänta sig splittringar i Muslimska brödraskapet och att det redan har uppstått nya, mer liberala muslimska organisationer. När det gäller vänster så pågår det trevare och möten för att bilda en bredare vänsterorganisation där olika mindre grupper och andra vänsterkrafter kan enas.
Borgarmedia: GP1, 2, DN1, 2, HD, SVT1, 2, SVD1, 2,
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