Kraven på Grekland, vars misskötta ekonomi varit känd sen åtminstone 2001 och som fördes upp i ljuset av de som kritiserade att landet skulle ha de olympiska spelen år 2004, syftar i stor utsträckning på att privatisera än mer av den lilla begränsade sociala säkerhet som gäller för en del av landets arbetare och tjänstemän. Man kan tycka att den sociala säkerheten för de offentliga tjänstemännen är överdriven men det är inte så att detta skulle var landets huvudproblem. Istället är det snarare de vidriga förhållanden som gäller på den privata grekiska arbetsmarknaden som är det stora problemet:
Their [de europeiska ledarna, min anm.] passionate commitment to private enterprise will reinforce one of the weaknesses of the Greek social system: it is estimated that there are 1.5 million undeclared workers in Greece, working under the worst conditions. Thus, in the private postal service sector, there are 12,000 such workers, without a collective bargaining agreement, who are paid late, who will have no fourteenth month this year (following the example of the public sector…), for whom the many accidents (due to moving around the country) are not regarded as industrial accidents. In the private call centres, workers on temporary contracts work five days a week, including Sunday, from 8 p.m. till midnight, for 450 euros a month. Not to mention the workers who are “rented out” to big companies and who work 8 hours a day for 650 euros a month. All this is illegal, but there are not enough factory inspectors in the country, and all these situations explain why there are only 15 per cent of trade unionists in the private sector.
To extend such a model to the whole of Europe, that is the dream of the European bourgeoisie and its representatives, who prefer to offer short-term profits to the speculators and to the modern slave merchants rather than apply even classic Keynesian solutions.
De ”lösningar” som föreslås löser inte heller de problem som Grekland har med skattesmiteri och korruption:
Greece was plunged into a spiral of bankruptcy, with rates for loans on the appropriately named capital markets exceeding 7 per cent and thus reinforcing the debt! Which led to the Papandreou measures and the appeal for help from Europe.
Papandreou explained why this help was above all a political signal to the speculators that Greece had a European guarantee of payment for its loans (he was looking for 5 billion euros in the short term). And on the internal level, he wanted to be able to justify by a “good agreement” that people’s sacrifices served some pupose. He has in fact obtained mitigated support: the German Chancellor demanded that the IMF be brought in to supply approximately a third of the financial support, whereas the French president and the president of the European Central Bank, Jean-Claude Trichet, claimed to want a strictly European solution.
All these negotiations were above all a pretty piece of scene-setting: first of all because the very same Trichet insisted, of course, that it was not a question of giving subsidies, but only a guarantee of loans at a rate a little lower than those of the speculators! Next, because as far as money from Europe was concerned, the discussions were conducted by Merkel and Sarkozy, with the other European governments being called in afterwards. We do not know the details of the discussions, but the reality that has to be taken into account is that Greece is the second biggest purchaser of arms from Germany (9.6 per cent of German arms sales over 30 years, including 18.2 per cent in 2006), the fourth from France (5.5 per cent on average, including 35.9 per cent in 2007!), and that these two countries want Greece to be able to buy the six French frigates (at a cost of 3 billion euros) and the submarine and dozens of military aircraft from Germany that have been ordered!
What is sure in any case is that both the IMF and the leaders of the euro zone will from now on be intervening at will in the Greek situation, demanding for example a radical reform of social security or the privatization of state enterprises.
However, if we take into account that Greece is not an isolated case in Europe, we will understand that fundamentally, the way European leaders have dealt with the case of Greece is intended to be exemplary: succeeding in imposing drastic measures on the population of Greece must above all be used as an example, to the workers on the one hand, and to the banks and speculators on the other, showing clearly whose interests have been served. Because fundamentally, the agreement in Brussels does not settle anything and will do nothing but make things worse: thus, nothing is settled concerning tax evasion and neither Papandreou nor the European leaders are calling into in question the “offshore” status of the big Greek ship-owners who thus avoid tax!
Istället kommer de ”lösningar” som de europeiska ledarna vill påtvinga Grekland att innebär att den social misären i landet blir än mer utbredd. Den arbetslöshet som redan är stor kommer att bli enorm, fler fattiga hamnar på gatorna och situatione för den mängd flyktingar som uppehåller sig illegalst i Grekland kommer att förvärras ytterligare. De åtgärder som EU:s ledarskap vill pådyvla Grekland och Greklands arbetare innebär bland annat:
Here is a concrete example of the measures on wages: a civil servant who earned 14,000 euros a year will lose 1,200 euros, one who earned 24,000 euros will lose 2,200. As for the already miserable pensions, they will plunge hundreds of thousands of people into situations of sheer survival, the more so since family solidarity, which up until recently was still capable of playing a role, has been undermined: now we can see homeless people in the streets of the big cities. These measures only encourage the employers’ attacks: the newspaper To Vima of March 25 gives many examples of companies which are trampling on collective bargaining agreements to impose, under threat of sackings, individual contracts with reduced wages, and they are doing it in all parts of the country, whether in Northern Greece, on the islands or in big cities like Piraeus (where the rate of unemployment is 25 per cent) and Patras. Of course, these measures will lead to a drop in individual consumption (estimates range from -3 to -6 per cent) and will have negative effects on sectors like construction (where already 140,000 new residences remain empty) and tourism: the hotel sector is expecting a shortfall of 500 million euros, this in a sector where only one worker in three is declared – moreover the year 2009 saw 10,000 workers who were declared lose their jobs. Under these conditions, unemployment will explode. The official figures show that it went from 514,000 in the last quarter of 2009 to 766,000 in March (out of a population of 11 million), with a much higher proportion of women and young people, and some regions particularly severely hit (Eastern Macedonia, Thrace). The Minister of Labour himself does not rule out official unemployment figures reaching 20 per cent by the end of the year… whereas unofficial estimates give a current figure of 18 per cent, with a recession estimated for the year at 2 per cent, and even 4 to 5 per cent.
I korthet handlar det om att EU vill tvinga genom hårdare regler rikatde mot arbetare och offentlig sektor. En ordning som kommer att innebär mer privatisering, större arbetslöshet och ökade klyftor i det grekiska smahället. De åtgärder som makthavarna vidtar i Grekland innebär troligen att vi på sikt får se samma åtgärder genomföras även i andra EU-länder. Kraven på uppstramning av EU:s regelverk innebär att man vill kodifiera en politik som slår mot de fattigaste i samhället, mot arbetare och vanligt folk. En politik sm innebär ökad klyftor och större problem för de vanliga människor som drabbas.