I Grekland har man precis som i Spanien ockuperat torg och platser i en mängd städer. Det har man gjort i protest mot nedskärningar och nyliberal privatiseringspolitik. Man har gjort det i protest mot att den grekiska befolkningen ska behöva betala de rikas spekulation. Inspirationen för aktionsformen med torgockupationer kommer förstås främst från Egyptens revolution där ockupationen av Tahrir-torget spelade en central roll. Även i Spanien har ockupationer av torg spelat en central roll i kampen mot den nyliberala krispolitiken som bara förvärra situationen för vanligt folk. Så här skriver en grekisk aktivist om ”de missnöjdas rörelse” i Grekland:
The Syntagma square movement creates new perspectives for class struggle. Despite its contradictions and important weaknesses, it is a development that in principle brings hope. At a practical level, it was inspired by the Arab rebellions that largely utilized current technologies to coordinate themselves (Internet, mobile phones etc). The Arab movement managed to traverse the national borders and “invade” Europe, much like European capitalists feared. The Spanish State being the first country to enter the game, other metropolitan capitals followed like Paris, Rome, Lisbon and, of course, Athens. This movement has of course often important weaknesses: most of its participants often have a low level of political consciousness (at least in its most massive manifestations) and it lacks a clear political perspective. However, it is extremely massive, in its meeting of 5 June participated more than 100.000 people in Athens plus important meetings in other Greek cities. Although it remains particularly blurry and fluid, it starts from a clear demand: the abrogation of the Memorandum as well as the departure of those who brought it with them.
On the other hand, we should of course not overestimate its spontaneous and self-organized character. It does not yet possess features of a genuine revolt, but it is clear that if the idea for a blocking of the parliament at the day when the new Memorandum will be voted comes to fruition, that day will certainly bring in mind a true revolt especially since this day is combined with a general strike. On the one hand, we cannot identify this movement with a new political subject that can substitute the centrality of the labor movement. It is, nonetheless, a field of interaction among the avant-garde of the movement and the masses of the oppressed. It provides the oppressed with experience of collective organization (especially social groups that have little chances of encountering such experiences) as well as confidence if it achieves some concrete victory. It is possible that through this movement several new militants will join the ranks of the left and anticapitalist ideas.
As a first step, it is important to try and pin down the social composition of the “indignant” movement, so as to estimate the limits and the goals of our own intervention in it:
unemployed or precarious workers, a great part of which have essentially no experience of collective organization and action neither within the traditional trade unions nor within the political organizations of the labor class.
Small bourgeois that see their level of life being crushed. Occasionally these people identify their interests as opposing those of the lower classes. It is crucial for us to manage and demonstrate that their interests coincide with those of the labor class and not the ones of the capitalists and forge and alliance among the most low-level small bourgeois and the workers.
Miscellaneous “patriotic” groups.
Disappointed voters of the two large parties, notably voters of the right-wing.
The left-wing (apart from the Communist Party of Greece, with participation/intervention details varying among each organization) which, especially after the first days, plays a central role in the people’s general assembly taking place every evening at Syntagma square and the several working groups. There is always the danger of turning the assembly into an internal battle of the left-wing organizations. Fortunately, this is not the case for the moment. A significant portion of the autonomous/anarchist collectives is absent and even denounces the whole process, whereas another part is participating actively, presenting more or less the same limitations as most of the left-wing organizations.
Bloggat: Sjöstedt, K & Å,
Borgarmedia: SVD1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, DN1, 2, E24_1, 2,
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