Maoisterna i en del av Indiens provinser/delstater, exempelvis Chattisgarh och Jharkhand, bedriver ett gerillakrig med olika medel. Enligt en del andra indiska vänstergrupper drabbar deras krigföring ofta oskyldiga civila och är missriktad:
The recent incident of killing of more than 40 people travelling in a bus blown by a blast in Dantewada is merely a new chapter in the volumes of brutalities, being scripted in Chhattisgarh and other parts of the country in the name of ‘The Peoples’ War’ carried out by the ‘purest revolutionaries’ of the planet. On this occasion, their victims include a few civilians as well, who couldn’t even be branded of being police informers.
While we unequivocally declare that the harshest possible words of condemnation from our vocabulary are meant for the Indian state for their oppressive actions against the people of India through their capitalist and undemocratic economic, social, political, administrative, military and diplomatic practices; words of condemnation and criticism are also there for the Maoists.
We do not intend to say that revolutionary violence doesn’t apply in any circumstance, nor do we deny the importance of the role of force for revolutionary changes. Nevertheless, we deny equating the violent Maoists practices, entirely by a self-proclaimed vanguard, carried on for decades, with revolutionary violence by the people in moments of mass upsurge. Maoist violence is not based on any mass politics. Even in the few cases where so-called mass involvement is claimed, especially by urban intellectual supporters of the Maoists, the reality is that gun wielding Maoist cadres dictated the violence. We strongly feel that this sordid violence would fail to bring any radical change even in remote future. All such Maoist violence across the globe, for e.g. in Peru, Philippines and in other places has been an abject failure.
Nu spekuleras det i om de också är skyldiga till ett bombdåd/sabotage som orsakat en svår tågolycka. Tågsprängningar är något de tidigare gjort sig skyldiga till. Det kan dock mycket väl vara så att regeringen bara skyller ifrån sig på maoistgerillan och att det hela beror på ren misskötsel av järnvägen. Det är också möjligt att artikelförfattaren i Radical Socialist överdriver problemet med maoistgerillan. Men oavsett det finns det ingen anledning att hylla maoisterna i Indien eller någon annan stans där de fortfarande är anhängare av gamla kinesiska maoistdoktriner. Det finns dock gott om maoistiska grupper (därmed är de väl att betrakta som ex-maoistiska grupper) i Indien om övergett dessa för länge sen och som i form av mer breda och klassinriktade partier (CPI-ML, CPI-ML (Liberation) med flera) har 100 000-tals medlemmar.
Andra delar av vänstern i Indien menar också ofta att gerillans stryka och inflytande är klart överdrivet av flera olika skäl:
We are very clear that big corporates want free access to the forests and mineral rich areas to exploit resources for capitalist expansion. This ruthless capitalist abuse is the root cause for the present crisis that India and its people are facing. We strongly believe that the only force that can lead the struggle against capitalism in India and globally is the organized working class. However, with their current strategy, the Maoists are failing to make any impact on the class. Firstly, because they are unable to reach them (they don’t have a policy to reach them either) and secondly, the working class doesn’t approve the politics of annihilation, particularly when this class is far from identifying a need for a revolutionary social change for which they are a major force.
An illusion disseminated by the Indian state and media, in order to justify the Operation Green Hunt and to label all political dissent against neoliberalism and globalisation as terrorism and Maoism, is that the Maoists are controlling around 200 districts of the country where civil administration cannot operate. This is not true. The number is much less than that and in most cases only a part of the mentioned districts are under the control of the Maoists. These areas are thinly populated. Even, if we consider those areas as Maoist ‘liberated zones’; they are far-off from capturing the state power, its machineries, its military bases, its power centres. They have neither been able to extend nor, move beyond the inaccessible forest region, and it seems unlikely in the future as well. No matter what they say about “encirclement of the cities from the countryside” the bulk of rural India has remained totally out of their reach; forget about the cities where the bulk of the principal revolutionary force – the working class – is concentrated. Hence, the question of encircling the cities with liberated villages shall not apply with the current strategy of the Maoists. They over simplify the strength of the state.